Myanmar, known as Burma until 1989, has suffered from authoritarian regimes and civil conflicts since its independence in 1948. These conflicts were waged against armed opposition, ranging from two communist factions to numerous discriminated ethnic minorities, including the Shan, Karen, Mon, Kachin, and others. The military dictatorship, established after the suppression of the popular “8888 Uprising” that began with students from Rangoon Polytechnic, built an incredibly corrupt economy with a hyper-wealthy general-oligarchic elite and a disenfranchised population.
The regime was forced to make some concessions following the 2007 protests, known as the “Saffron Revolution” due to the color of the Buddhist monks’ robes, and to hold freer elections in 2015 and 2020. These elections were won by the democratic opposition led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, the daughter of Burma’s founding father who was assassinated by right-wing conspirators on the eve of independence. However, she still shared power with the military, making disgraceful compromises.
The most horrific of these compromises was the genocide of the Rohingya people — the Muslim population of Rakhine State. With the silent consent of Suu Kyi, a former icon of the struggle for democracy, security forces and ultra-nationalist Buddhist fanatics — who deny “infidels” the right to live there and label them as “strangers” — launched ethnic cleansing in late 2016. These cleansings were accompanied by various atrocities and intensified after the start of a military operation on August 25, 2017. Tens of thousands of Muslim civilians were killed, and another 1.5 million people were forced to flee to neighboring Bangladesh, where the first Rohingya refugees had appeared as early as the 1970s due to persecution by the Burmese authorities. As a result, the world’s largest refugee camp emerged at Cox’s Bazar on the border of the two states.
On February 1, 2021, the military carried out another coup d’état, detained the civilian leadership, and began shooting thousands of protesters who initially tried to resist the junta through civil disobedience and strikes. By drowning the streets of its cities in blood, the dictatorship further fueled the flames of a civil war that erupted with renewed vigor. Relying on military, political, and information support from the Russian Federation and the PRC, the junta — initially called the State Administration Council — defiantly violated agreements even during the ceasefire following a devastating earthquake and recently held farcical sham elections.
However, in the chaos of “everyone against everyone,” more than half of Myanmar’s territory is controlled by groups opposing the junta — from the People’s Defense Forces, subordinate to the opposition National Unity Government, to dozens of militias of various ethnic groups and smaller forces, including the Anti-Fascist Internationalist Front composed of international anarchist volunteers.
In this interview, you can learn firsthand how those who experienced genocide and continue to suffer from war and exile — the Rohingya refugees — survive under these conditions. Our comrade from the refugee camp tells us about their daily lives and prospects, as well as the importance of understanding mutual experiences and international solidarity.
Denys Pilash: Tell us about yourself: can you briefly share your journey? How did you end up in the refugee camp?
Noor Sadeque: My name is Noor Sadeque son of Nur Alom from MaungDaw Township of Kyi Khan Pyin Village (Hawar bill), Myanmar. I’m a 25 year old Rohingya. I matriculated in 2016 from Maung Daw No.1 High School. But, I had to flee to Bangladesh to escape from the horrific situation in Rakhine state due to the 25th August 2017 violence, Antagonism. When I became a refugee in a Bangladesh refugee camp at that time, I began to work as a Site Coordination Team leader at Premiere Urgence Internationale (PUI) for 1 year and 3 months in camp no. 8w, 17 and 20. After that I worked at International Organization for Migration (IOM) as a Camp Operation Rohingya Team leader for about 5 years in camp no. 20, Camp-20 extension. Now I’m only focusing on empowering, developing, encouraging the youths, Socialism & Social activities, I have been working in several Civil Society Organizations such as Rohingya Youth Association (RYA), Rohingya Youth Advocacy Network. Now, I’m an advisor, founder of Rohingya Student Network (RSN) as a grassroots organization for the Advocacy of my community people, trying to empower, develop our youth and girls by providing capacity building training, trying to fight for our rights, justice, and fundamental rights.
We faced so many difficulties while we were being displaced and forced to migrate from Myanmar to the nearest country, Bangladesh. The Myanmar military government has given us a title so-called homeless and stateless because we tried to get our denied equal rights such as citizenship, peace, and tranquility. Myanmar’s brutal miliatry including local police extremist groups has planned a systematic and slow-burning genocide and made us the most persecuted minority on this planet. Behind the scene, there was a lot of massacres, gang rape, indoor burning, vivisection of infants, and throwing on to the burning fire, the oldest people were burnt up alive. A lot of people were killed by guns. People were sent into the central jail without investigation. When I was fleeing from Myanmar to Bangladesh, I witnessed many roadside deliveries. I saw so many unlimited dead bodies with my own eyes, isolated children from the parents who were crying and drowning in the water. Some old people were left alone at home because nobody was there to carry them for a long journey. I had to walk for two weeks, sometimes running under the rain and sometimes climbing the mountains. There was neither food nor medicines. Many people died on their way due to extreme fever. After all the hardship, we finally reached Bangladesh. We are very thankful to the Government and people of Bangladesh for taking care of us as their brothers and sisters. And, the humanity shown by the Bangladesh Army may almighty make this Bangladesh forever peaceful.
After reaching Bangladesh through boats, swimming and by foot, I took shelter in a refugee camp with my family. My parents are traumatized considering the future of their children including me. Fortunately, I got a chance to work for the Rohingya Students Network (RSN) as an Operations Coordinator. As a volunteer I can not maintain my poor family. Neither I nor my siblings can study and move freely. I have been scared of the use of smartphones and enjoying sitting in the tea shops inside the camps with my friends and loved ones because of arbitrary arrests and extortion by the Armed Police Battalion (APBn) of Bangladesh, as well as the torture committed by camp-based armed groups. Watching the news and raising a voice sometimes brings harm.
Furthermore, my future, fate and dream turned into a horrible nightmare that I can not see the way to come out of squalid crowded camp and refugee life where I have no right to freedom movement and education access as well. I am unable to relieve the stress in my mind, as I think constantly, day and night about my university studies, graduation, and achieving a professional degree, a goal I have held since childhood. Seeing others freely enjoying their studies abroad, along with their daily progress and achievements, makes me feel useless. This is especially painful because I know I am truly capable of pursuing those same opportunities, yet they are denied to me due to life in the camp. Over time, this situation has left me feeling deeply hopeless about the future.
D.P.: What people accross the world should know about the Rohingya genocide? What was the dynamics of persecutions and apartheid-style policies against the Rohingya people in Burma/Myanmar?
N.S.: People around the world should first understand who the Rohingya are, an Indigenous Muslim ethnic minority who have lived in Myanmar’s Rakhine (Arakan) State for centuries. Despite this, the Rohingya have been systematically denied recognition, stripped of citizenship under the 1982 Citizenship Law, and excluded from the list of 135 officially recognized ethnic groups of Myanmar. This legal and political erasure laid the foundation for genocide.
Persecution stems from both religious and ethnic discrimination. Since Myanmar’s independence in 1948, the Rohingya have been targeted due to their distinct identity, faith, and historical presence. They have been deprived of fundamental rights such as the right to nationality, political representation, education, and freedom of movement, through a calculated and institutionalized process. The Rohingya have been systematically targeted by the Myanmar military and all branches of the Myanmar government, particularly through policies implemented in Rakhine under Arakan State. More recently, in late August 2024, both Rakhine groups and the Arakan Army (AA) separately engaged in torture and applied similar policies aimed at erasing the Rohingya from the soil of Arakan. This occurred while the Arakan Army had taken control of significant areas where Rohingya communities had lived for centuries.
Apartheid-style policies against the Rohingya date back to colonial times, when the British promised the Rohingya a place within the fabric of Myanmar for their support against Japan during World War II. But, these promises were broken after independence, and the situation deteriorated further with the rise of Myanmar ethno-nationalism. The 1942 Japanese invasion marked a critical turning point, triggering widespread communal violence that profoundly disrupted Rohingya society. This period not only resulted in mass displacement and loss of life but also laid the foundations for long-term segregation, mistrust, and structural marginalization that continue to shape Rohingya lives today.
Over the decades, repeated military operations have forced the Rohingya into exile. In 1978, Operation Nagamin caused over 200,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh. In 1991–92, another military crackdown displaced more than 250,000. The situation worsened in 2012, 2016, and reached its peak in 2017, when more than 700,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh after mass killings, village burnings, and systematic violence, the crimes that international bodies, including Human Rights Watch, have recognized as genocide.
The world must understand that this is not just a humanitarian crisis, it is a deliberate, long-standing campaign of erasure, rooted in state policies and implemented through brutality and discrimination.
D.P.: Myanmar’s mainstream democratic opposition has once made the pact with the devil, letting the military and bigots proceed with the Rohingya genocide, and then paid its price when the Tatmadaw staged another coup and unleashed its repression against the entirety of Myanmar population. Do you think the broader anti-junta movements have learnt the lesson and embraced the rights of minorities?
N.S.: The broader anti-junta movements in Myanmar have shown some signs of learning from their past silence and complicity during the Rohingya genocide. Especially younger activists and certain ethnic minority coalitions within the resistance have demonstrated a greater willingness to embrace inclusive democratic ideals and acknowledge the rights of marginalized groups, including the Rohingya. But, deep-rooted nationalist ideologies and calculated political strategies still present significant barriers to a unified stance on minority rights.
Although there have been statements of solidarity and calls for a future federal democracy, these gestures have not consistently translated into concrete commitments to protect and recognize the rights of minorities. In many cases, such support appears to be more tactical than principled. For a genuine democratic transformation to take root in Myanmar, the resistance must move beyond opposition to the junta, it must commit to justice, equality, and accountability for all communities, including those who have been historically oppressed, such as the Rohingya.
D.P.: Are there generational and ideological divides (e.g., between secular leftists, Islamists, or purely survival-oriented pragmatists) inside Rohingya politics today? To what extent are women and youth involved in the political discourse?
N.S.: There are clear generational and ideological divides within Rohingya politics today. These divisions occur among elder diaspora leaders, younger activists, and religiously-influenced groups. Many elders in the diaspora have decades of experience and a deep understanding of the political history and crises of the Rohingya. Meanwhile, the younger generation, especially those born or raised in exile carry the trauma of direct persecution and are usually more vocal about their lived experiences under the Burmese military. Additionally, some Islamic-oriented actors, particularly those affiliated with or sympathetic to armed groups, claim leadership roles, leveraging their religious knowledge to gain influence.
Currently, three main armed groups claim to represent Rohingya resistance through so-called jihad, the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO), the Arakan Rohingya Army (ARA), and the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA). These groups always attract support from religious students and clerics. But, most Rohingya youth today prioritize education and humanitarian work, specially with NGOs, and always use social media to campaign for peaceful solutions and educational access, which occasionally leads to friction with ideological groups.
Women, however, remain largely underrepresented in political leadership, especially within the refugee camps. Restrictions on free movement, public advocacy, and freedom of expression severely limit their participation. Still, some Rohingya women in the diaspora are advocating for rights and inclusion through various platforms.
Overall, the political landscape remains fragmented and a lack of unified leadership due to the continued marginalization of the Rohingya community, limited space for political engagement, and ongoing structural suppression.
D.P.: What role do Rohingya armed groups currently play in the civil conflict? How do you assess the involvement of foreign powers (e.g., China, Saudi Arabia, Bangladesh’s DGFI)?
N.S.: Rohingya armed groups, such as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO), have been involved in Myanmar’s ongoing civil conflict, but their role remains controversial and largely disconnected from the broader Rohingya struggle for justice. While these groups claim to represent Rohingya interests, their actions usually reflect internal power struggles and personal agendas rather than a coherent political strategy. Rather than uniting and protecting the community, they have at times created fear and division within the refugee camps and among the Rohingya population. Their lack of political vision, coordination, and transparency has made them ineffective in pushing for meaningful change.
Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, for example, has positioned itself as a defender of Rohingya against militant threats, yet its ideology and methods fall short of the kind of leadership needed to bring about justice, reconciliation, or long-term peace. The group’s alleged involvement in violent activities within the camps and its clashes with other Rohingya factions have further undermined its legitimacy.
Regarding foreign influence, there is not minimal evidence of official support from foreign powers like China or Saudi Arabia for Rohingya armed groups. China is known to support the Arakan Army, which has grown significantly in military and political strength, but no such support extends to Rohingya groups. As for Saudi Arabia and Malaysia, some people may offer informal or ideological support to Rohingya fighters, but this is limited, uncoordinated, and lacks institutional backing.
In the case of Bangladesh, particularly the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), there are isolated reports of minor interactions or tacit tolerance in specific instances, often driven by local intelligence strategies rather than genuine support. In general, Bangladeshi authorities, both government and security forces do not support Rohingya armed groups. In fact, they are more likely to monitor or suppress political and social activism within the camps, even among peaceful advocates.
Ironically, some Rohingya armed factions are believed to have made informal arrangements with their historical oppressors, the Myanmar military, to gain leverage over local rivals, including the Arakan Army. This also exposes their lack of political maturity and undermines the Rohingya people’s long-term goals.
In short, while Rohingya armed groups are active in the civil conflict, their role is fragmented, ideologically unclear, and disconnected from the aspirations of the broader Rohingya community for peace, justice, and coexistence. Their current involvement in Myanmar’s civil war does not bring the real hopes of Rohingya civilians or the values of a genuine liberation movement.
D.P.: How would you describe the current relationship between the Arakan Army and the Rohingya population under its control? Do you see any possibility for negotiated coexistence?
N.S.: Since the Rohingya have lived in Arakan for centuries, the Rakhine, who later formed the basis of the Arakan Army (AA) historically acted in alignment with the Myanmar government. The mistreatment Rohingya experienced from the Myanmar government was mirrored, and in some cases worsened, by the Rakhine, who exercised local power under the government’s authority.
In late August 2017, the Rohingya community faced near-total destruction as the Myanmar military, with active support from Rakhine collaborators, carried out widespread killings and torture. As a result, nearly one million Rohingya were forced to flee their homes and seek refuge in camps in Bangladesh.
By 2021, Myanmar had fully descended into dictatorship, while the People’s Defense Forces (PDF) were rising to resist the military and restore democracy. In parallel, the Arakan Army pursued similar policies against the Rohingya. After gaining significant control over parts of Arakan, the Arakan Army became an independent armed group, seeking to establish Arakan as a separate, self-governed region, independent of Myanmar. Today, the Arakan Army and local Rakhine communities exercise substantial autonomy in Rakhine State. Their goal of an independent Arakan directly excludes the Rohingya, as they have consistently refused to recognize Rohingya as part of Arakan nationality. When it comes to targeting the Rohingya, the Arakan Army and the Myanmar military always act in alignment. But, regarding the broader political struggle for Arakan’s independence, the AA positions itself against the Myanmar government.
In effect, both the Arakan Army and the Myanmar military through their respective policies have systematically denied the Rohingya recognition as citizens, whether of Arakan or of Myanmar.
The current relationship between the Arakan Army and the Rohingya population under its control can be described as one of cautious pragmatism, which is driven more by strategic considerations than by genuine ideological alignment. Historically, both the Arakan Army and many among the Rakhine Buddhist community have marginalized and even opposed the Rohingya. Today, while the Arakan Army controls large portions of Rakhine (Arakan) State, the remaining Rohingya communities live under silent oppression, with ongoing restrictions and incidents of violence.
While the Arakan Army occasionally permits religious practices or cultural events for the Rohingya, such gestures sometimes appear to be more performative than sincere, intended to garner legitimacy in the eyes of the international community and secure humanitarian aid. These actions serve to obscure the Arakan Army’s past and ongoing abuses and to present itself as a legitimate governing force, rather than a militant actor.
Nonetheless, a pathway to negotiated coexistence is not impossible. For this to happen, the Arakan Army and its political wing, the United League of Arakan (ULA), must shift toward inclusive governance that genuinely embraces the Rohingya as equal citizens of Arakan. This would require political dialogue with Rohingya leaders, protection of human rights for all ethnic groups, and full representation of the Rohingya in the future political structure of Arakan and Myanmar. Only then can sustainable coexistence and reconciliation become achievable.
D.P.: How can the Rohingya movement align itself with broader democratic or revolutionary forces in Myanmar, including other oppressed ethnic minorities?
N.S.: The Rohingya movement can align itself with broader democratic and revolutionary forces in Myanmar by advancing a common vision for an inclusive and federal Union, the one that guarantees equal rights, dignity, and self-determination for all ethnic groups. Building trust and solidarity with other oppressed minorities is important and can be achieved through mutual recognition of each group’s history of suffering and resistance under Myanmar’s military dictatorship.
To advance the unity, the Rohingya movement should actively engage in inter-ethnic coalitions that advocate for federalism, indigenous rights, human rights protections, and democratic reforms. Collaboration across ethnic lines based on the principles of “unity in diversity” will strengthen the collective movement against military rule and lay the foundation for a just and representative future for all peoples of Myanmar.
D.P.: What is life in the camp like? What is the current humanitarian situation in the camps, particularly regarding food security and healthcare? Have the international aid cuts affected it? What are the internal challenges faced by politically active Rohingya in the camps?
N.S.: Life in the camps is extremely difficult, marked by unending struggles that affect nearly every aspect of daily life. The conditions are harsh, and for the Rohingya refugees, each day is a challenge for survival.
The current humanitarian situation in the camps is dire. Food security is alarmingly low, with families entirely dependent on rations provided by the World Food Programme (WFP). But, these rations are far from sufficient. At times, WFP’s funding shortages have led to a drastic reduction in food assistance, once as low as $7 per person per month, and currently only $10. This amount is below what is needed to meet even basic nutritional needs. With no other accessible food sources, and limited livelihood opportunities inside the camps, most families struggle to sustain themselves. Only a few educated people manage to find work, which is not enough to support the families.
Healthcare services are also deeply inadequate. Although several health facilities exist across the camps, they are poorly equipped and fall far short of providing quality medical care. Vulnerable Rohingya refugees usually need to seek treatment outside the camps, at private hospitals such as Alif and Palong hospital in Kutupalong and Chattor Hospital in Cox’s Bazar, which is costly and logistically challenging. Most people who seek care within the camps report being prescribed only basic medications like low-quality paracetamol, and many express frustration over the lack of proper diagnosis and treatment.
Photo: Noor Sadaque
Hospitals like Turkey’s TIKA and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) offer relatively better services, their capacity is limited and cannot meet the widespread medical needs of the population. The burden of managing healthcare and food needs always falls on the refugees themselves, with families which make extraordinary efforts, including daily labor for meager wages, to care for their loved ones.
The international aid cuts have had a devastating impact on both food security and healthcare. NGOs and INGOs are no longer able to meet the essential needs of the refugee population, which leave people in sorrow, despair, and a state of mourning for the life they once knew.
In addition to these humanitarian challenges, politically active Rohingya face serious internal threats. Armed groups operating within the camps frequently view political advocacy and community organizing with suspicion, usually perceiving it as a threat. As a result, many politically engaged youths have been targeted, silenced, or intimidated into giving up their work. Fear is widespread, and the space for political expression is rapidly shrinking.
Inside the camps, many armed groups remain active, usually opposing the work of educated and politically experienced experts who strive for peaceful solutions for the Rohingya. The Bangladesh authorities are aligned with these groups, primarily to maintain control over the Rohingya population. The armed groups, lacking sufficient knowledge and expertise, generally follow the directives of the authorities. It makes it nearly impossible for politically active members to receive the protection or recognition they need. Instead, leadership positions in the camps are always handed to unqualified people, sometimes very young boys, who lack the knowledge or maturity to lead, and who disrespect educated, religious, and community-oriented figures.
These trends point to a deeper structural issue. Those in power within the camp always align themselves with people or groups who can offer financial or material support, rather than those who seek to represent and serve the community through peaceful political engagement. Agencies like APBn, DSB, NSI, and DGFI1 The Armed Police Battalion (APBN), District Security Branch (DSB), National Security Intelligence (NSI), Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI). Together, these agencies represent the Bangladesh authorities operating in the camps, with roles to range from law enforcement and security to intelligence and military oversight.
are seen as favoring these armed actors, further marginalizing political advocates.
In short, politically active Rohingya face a serious crisis. They operate without security, support, or recognition, despite their efforts to serve their community peacefully and constructively. Their voices are being silenced, and their efforts overshadowed by violence and fear.
D.P.: What does “return with dignity” mean to you, and what concrete guarantees must be in place before any repatriation can be considered?
N.S.: According to the Rohingya refugee, “return with dignity” represents not just a phrase, but a final hope and ultimate destination, it is a dream of reclaiming life, identity, and rights in our homeland. But, such a return must not be rushed or symbolic, it must be rooted in concrete, enforceable guarantees that ensure the full restoration of our rights and safety.
Before any repatriation can be considered dignified, the fundamental rights of the Rohingya must be fully recognized and upheld by the Myanmar government. It should include the unconditional restoration of full citizenship, freedom of movement across the country, and the ability to participate in education, economic activities, social life, and political processes without discrimination or restriction.
Repatriation is very important for us because life as refugees now approaching eight years in the camps of Cox’s Bazar has been overwhelmingly difficult. Every day is a struggle for survival, marred by insecurity, deprivation, and statelessness. Our prolonged displacement has only deepened our pain and eroded our future.
For repatriation to be truly dignified and sustainable, it must be facilitated and monitored by international stakeholders, including the United Nations, humanitarian organizations, and concerned governments. Their active involvement is essential to ensure that the process is conducted with accountability, transparency, and respect for human rights.
Only when these critical guarantees are firmly in place, when safety, justice, and equality are assured, can Rohingya people return to Myanmar with a sense of trust and dignity, ready to rebuild their lives in peace and freedom.
D.P.: What gives you hope in the face of overwhelming adversity? And what would justice look like – not just for the Rohingya, but for all peoples in Myanmar?
N.S.: In the face of overwhelming adversity, what gives us hope is the remarkable resilience and strength of our communities. Despite the suffering, displacement, and injustice we continue to endure, our collective courage, unity, and determination to seek justice remain unshaken. Acts of solidarity, whether through global advocacy, grassroots mobilization, or community resistance renew our hope and inspire us to keep fighting for a better future, not only for the Rohingya but for all the people of Myanmar.
Justice, to me, is multi-dimensional and must be inclusive, transformative, and rooted in accountability, human dignity, and equality. For the Rohingya and all people of Myanmar, justice must include,
1. Accountability for Atrocities; all perpetrators responsible for human rights violations, whether against the Rohingya or other ethnic and religious groups must be held accountable through fair and transparent legal processes, both nationally and internationally.
2. Recognition of Rights; the Myanmar government must recognize the rights of all communities, including the Rohingya. This includes restoring full citizenship, ensuring access to education and healthcare, and guaranteeing freedom of movement and protection from discrimination.
3. Ethnic and Religious Harmony; the government must actively promote dialogue and mutual understanding among the diverse ethnic and religious communities of Myanmar, advancing reconciliation and long-term social cohesion.
4. Inclusive Democratic Governance; a truly democratic and inclusive political system must be established, the one that represents all peoples of Myanmar, ensures equal participation in decision-making, and upholds the principles of justice, freedom, and equality.
5. Reparations and Support for Victims; justice also means reparations for victims of violence, discrimination, and displacement. The government must offer unbiased support to those affected, help them rebuild their lives with dignity and security.
Justice for Myanmar cannot be selective. It must serve every community that has suffered and strive to create a future where no one is oppressed because of their identity, religion, or ethnicity. That vision of justice and the global support behind it is what sustains our hope for change.
D.P.: What do Rohingya refugees know about the war in Ukraine? Has Russia’s role in supporting both the Myanmar junta and the invasion of Ukraine influenced your perception of international power dynamics?ї
N.S.: Many Rohingya who have access to education and social media are well aware of the war in Ukraine. We see the images of cities and places in ruins, people forced to flee, and a nation bravely resisting occupation. What stands out most is the double standard in the global response. The international community acted swiftly and decisively in condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. But when it comes to the Myanmar junta, also backed by Russia, the response has been slow, weak, or at times, completely silent.
Russia’s open support for the military that has oppressed and persecuted us reveals the darker reality of international politics. It makes us feel invisible, as if our suffering is less important. It exposes how global power sometimes operates not through principles of justice, but through interests and alliances.
So yes, our perception of international power dynamics has changed. The war in Ukraine has taught us not only about conflict, but also about how the world chooses whose pain to acknowledge and whose to ignore.
D.P.: What do you most want our audience to understand about the Rohingya struggle today?
N.S.: We are not just victims, we are human beings, born with hopes and dreams like anyone else. Our struggle is not only about the genocide we endured in the past, it’s also about the future we are trying to build. It’s about our right to education, freedom of movement, citizenship, and the chance to live with dignity.
We were born and raised stateless. Many of us are growing up in refugee camps, where the future is uncertain, and every day is a struggle just to survive. Yet, despite all of this, we educate ourselves, we serve our communities, and we raise our voices even when doing so puts us at risk.
So please, do not see us only as numbers or headlines. See us as students, teachers, parents, artists, and peacebuilders. We don’t want pity. We need your solidarity, genuine and strong.
D.P.: Do you see any meaningful parallels between the Rohingya struggle against ethnic persecution and the Ukrainian resistance against foreign occupation? Could there be space for mutual solidarity between the two peoples?
N.S.: Yeah, definitely. Both the Rohingya and the Ukrainian people are fighting for survival, identity, and freedom from forces that seek to erase them. Ukrainians are resisting tanks and missiles. The Rohingya are resisting erasure through statelessness, systemic apartheid, and forced exile.
Although the contexts are different, the pain of losing our homeland, our rights, and our people is deeply human and deeply shared. There is a profound space for solidarity, because pain recognizes pain. Both communities can draw strength from one another’s courage and resilience.
If we can build bridges between our stories, perhaps the world will stop choosing which lives are more worthy of protection and begin defending all human rights equally.
D.P.: Do you think an international solidarity movement can make a real difference for the Rohingya cause?
N.S.: Yes, absolutely. An international solidarity movement is important and can play an advanced role in making a real difference for the Rohingya cause. Today, the only reason Rohingya genocide survivors have even a glimpse of hope for survival and justice is because parts of the international community have stepped up, although modestly. The Rohingya people remain heavily reliant on international attention and support, more than on any domestic or regional actors.
Without sustaining international solidarity, the Rohingya crisis risks being forgotten. If the world turns away, our situation will worsen, and justice will remain out of reach. But, it is also important to acknowledge that even though the international community has made efforts, such as humanitarian aid, public condemnation, and some diplomatic pressure, the overall progress remains extremely limited. One major reason is the lack of meaningful involvement from influential powers like China.
China plays a decisive role in Myanmar’s internal politics, particularly through its support for both the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army, who control key territories. Any meaningful resolution to the Rohingya crisis will likely require China’s participation or approval, as both armed and political actors in Myanmar are deeply influenced by China’s interests.
Therefore, for an international solidarity movement to truly bring change, it must include strategic engagement with regional powers such as China, Thailand, and Japan. These countries have real influence and can pressure relevant actors inside Myanmar toward a resolution.
To say shortly, international solidarity is crucial, its effectiveness will depend on a more inclusive approach, one that involves not only western democracies and human rights bodies but also regional powers with real leverage. The Rohingya people are counting on the international community not just for survival, but for a durable and just solution to this long-standing crisis.
